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الثلاثاء, 08 آب/أغسطس 2017 15:31

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هل يجوز لنا أن نتعاطف مع غزة حين تتعرض للقصف الإسرائيلي؟ السؤال له ما يبرره. إذ بعدما صنفت حركة حماس ضمن المنظمات الإرهابية كما ذكر وزير الخارجية السعودي، ولأن الحركة قائمة على الأمر في غزة، وبعدما صار التعاطف مع الأشقاء جريمة يعاقب مرتكبها بالسجن لمدة تصل إلى ١٥ عاما، فليس مستبعدا أن يتهم التضامن مع غزة ضد الغارة الإسرائيلية دعما للإرهاب.

إذا اعتبرت مجرد طرح السؤال أمرا عبثيا، فأنت محق لا ريب وملاحظتك صائبة تماما. لكن التساؤل الذي ما كان له أن يخطر على قلب عربي لم يتلوث ضميره أصبح يكتسب مشروعية في زماننا، حتى صار العبث السياسي من عناوينه البارزة. إن شئت فقل إنه السؤال المناسب للطقس السياسي المناسب. ذلك أنه حين تصبح المقاومة إرهابا في عرف بعض التيارات العربية، وحين يصبح التعاطف مع الأشقاء جريمة تعرض صاحبها للسجن، فلماذا يستغرب تجريم التعاطف مع غزة، ولماذا لا نستبعد «تفهم» بعض العرب للتصرف الإسرائيلي، واعتباره من قبيل الدفاع المشروع عن النفس كما يقول المسؤولون الأمريكيون عادة؟!

لقد صدمنا حصار بعض العرب لغزة حينا من الدهر، لكننا اعتدنا على ذلك، ولم تعد تفاجئنا النتائج الكارثية التي ترتبت عليه، إذ أسهمت في تدمير حياة الغزيين وتعذيب المرضى وانهيار الخدمات في القطاع. كما صدمنا حين علمنا بخبر «التنسيق الأمني» مع الإسرائيليين، الذي كان ولا يزال تجسسا من جانب السلطة الفلسطينية على المقاومين الرافضين للاحتلال. وكان قيام قياديين في منظمة «التحرير» بهذا الدور القذر الذي يستهدف تصفية العناصر الساعية إلى «التحرير»، تعبيرا عن شيوع العبث وانتصاره. لكن ذلك الخلل الفادح استمر وتعايشنا معه، حتى أصبح التنسيق الأمني أمرا عاديا لا يستنكره أحد، بل صار وباء انتشر في بعض أرجاء العالم العربي. وهو ما أعجب به الرئيس الأمريكي دونالد ترامب حين زار إسرائيل، فباركه وتمنى له الاستمرار والازدهار!

ما ينبغي أن نلاحظه ونعترف به أن الموقف من القضية الفلسطينية ظل دائما أحد المؤشرات الكاشفة عن التدهور الحاصل في العالم العربي. ففي البدء حظيت «المقاومة» باحتفاء عربي مشهود. ولأجل ذلك أنشئت منظمة تحرير فلسطين في عام ١٩٦٤ لتقود الكفاح المسلح، وهو ما اعترفت به القمة العربية والجامعة العربية حينذاك. تزامنت «المقاطعة» مع المقاومة، ومن رحم هذه الأجواء ظهرت فكرة «الممانعة»، التي كانت بمثابة خطوة إلى الوراء، أجلت الكفاح المسلح لكنها ظلت عنوانا لمخاصمة العدو. بعد ذلك حدثت أولى مؤشرات الانكسار، إذ تمثلت في اتفاقية الصلح مع إسرائيل التي عقدها الرئيس السادات في عام ٧٩. وهذا الاختراق أفضى إلى تجميد المقاطعة وفتح باب التنازلات التي كانت مبادرة السلام السعودية من أبرز علاماتها، وحين تبنت قمة بيروت العربية المبادرة المذكورة، أضيف مصطلح «التطبيع» إلى لغة الخطاب السياسي العربي. ورغم أن التطبيع كان مشروطا في البداية بالانسحاب الكامل من الأراضي العربية، إلا أن مؤشر الانكسار استمر في الهبوط حتى وصلنا إلى التطبيع الخجول والمقنع ثم التطبيع المجاني وغير المشروط. والحبل على الجرار كما يقال.

الملاحظة المهمة أن ما جرى لم يكن تفريطا في القضية وتضييعا لها، ولكنه كان تعبيرا دقيقا عن ضياعنا نحن. وإذ لا أعرف مآل المستنقع الذي صرنا في قلبه، فإن ما أعرفه جيدا أن ما صار مهددا ليس قضية فلسطين وحدها، وإنما مصير الأمة العربية بأسرها. وهذا العبث المخيم على الفضاء العربي له رسالته البليغة التي ينبغي أن تقرأ جيدا قبل فوات الأوان

 

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